Illustrated Orienlightenment

Early Dutch Orientalism and Enlightenment in Mahomets Alkoran (1696)

Six illustrations in Mahomets Alkoran by Caspar Luyken

Only a single illustrated edition of the Qur’an has been published throughout history. Mahomets Alkoran, a Dutch translation of 1696, is adorned with six illustrations that are seemingly both informative and sensational. In this thesis, I investigate how these contradictory sentiments in the illustrations of Muslims and Muhammad worked together in the publication. The book was published in a period of interest in Islam for philosophical and entertaining purposes. Mahomets Alkoran reacted to the audience’s demand through illustrations that both informative and critical of Islamicate culture and Islamic prayer, and through illustrations that are mainly entertaining. The text itself is equally contradictory for it informs of Islam, criticizes Islam and also motivates a comparative reading with the Bible. I trace these differences to the different contexts of creation of text, paratext and illustrations, and to a concurrence of Orientalism and Enlightenment.
Orientalism is evident from the stereotyping and Othering the Islamicate world while Enlightenment has impacted the emphasis on themes like cultural relativism, iconoclasm and the oneness of God and nature, especially through effective placements of illustrations. Together, Orientalism and Enlightenment caused the physical, cognitive and philosophical charm of Mahomets Alkoran but also caused some dichotomies in the publication.

Matching watermarks to identify sketchbooks by Dutch artists in Rome

Watermark research is increasingly used in research of major artists and new techniques greatly expand the applicability of watermark research and its outcomes. Identification of a sheet’s watermark can give insight into the date and place of origin of a drawing, print or book. When different sheets are compared, the watermark can prove their connectedness because similar watermarks indicate a common date and origin. Compared with traditional methods of art history, watermarks can be useful in establishing authorship and year of production of an artwork on paper but also working practice. In this paper I will call for increased watermark research in specifically landscape sketchbooks by Dutch artists in Rome.

We know about Dutch artists drawing in Rome and about early modern sketchbooks from extant specimen, inventories and catalogues and from biographers. At the dawn of the seventeenth century, the Netherlandish painter and art theorist Karel van Mander (1548-1606) advised young art students to travel to Rome and study Roman “canvas, stone and copperplates”. Specifically, he suggests his readers to “steal arms, legs, bodies, hands [and] feet” through painting, drawing and sketching. According to Van Mander, the drawings must be brought back from Rome to be employed throughout the artist’s career in the Netherlands.[1] He goes as far as to criticize Bartholomeus Spranger (1546-1611) for not drawing and leaving Rome without artworks, although he argues that Spranger’s memory was adequate to reproduce what he had seen.[2] According to Arnold Houbraken (1660-1719), the German artist Filip Peter Roos (1657-1706) was not reluctant about drawing but had to ask his fellow artists who had brought their “portfolios under their cloaks” (emphasis mine) for materials because he had forgotten his own.[3] Hendrik Graauw (c. 1627-1693) also drew while in Rome, and, according to Houbraken, obediently brought back his drawings to the Netherlands.[4] Combined with the many Dutch drawings of Italian ruins, landscapes and artworks that currently reside in museums around the world and through inventories and auction catalogues is clear that artists travelled to Rome and drew during their voyages.[5] Thus, the Italian antiquities and landscapes migrated to the Netherlands in large numbers, albeit in paper form.


[1] Karel van Mander, Den Grondt Der Edel Vry Schilder-Const: Waer in Haer Ghestalt, Aerdt Ende Wesen, de Leer-Lustighe Jeught in Verscheyden Deelen in Rijm-Dicht Wort Voor Ghedraghen, vol. 2 (Haarlem, 1604), 5r-7r.

[2] Van Mander, Den Grondt Der Edel Vry Schilder-Const, 271r-271v. Concerning the different interpretations of this section, see Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann, ‘Reading Van Mander on the Reception of Rome : A Crux in the Biography of Spranger in the Schilder-Boeck’ (Fiamminghi a Roma 1508-1608, Brussels, 1995).

[3] Arnold Houbraken, De groote schouburgh der nederlantsche konstschilders en schilderessen: waar van ’er veele met hunne beeltenissen ten tooneel verschynen, … zynde een vervolg op het schilderboek van K. v. Mander … (The Hague: J. Swart, C. Boucquet, M. Gaillard, 1753), 280.

[4] Houbraken, De groote schouburgh, 190.

[5] Employing sketchbooks was not only used in Rome or Italy. A solid argument is the sketchbook by Roelant Savery (1576-1639). He drew everything he ought painterly in a book whilst in Tirol. Both contemporary biographies and inventories and surviving objects argue for this practice. See, for example, inv. nos. RP-T-00-598 and RP-T-1939-9 from the Amsterdam Rijksmuseum. For notes in early biographies, see Sandrart, Teutsche Academie, 305; Houbraken, De groote schouburgh der nederlantsche konstschilders en schilderessen, 57.

The role of the Quran in Thomas Hees’ portrait

Michiel van Musscher, Thomas Hees with his nephews and a servant, 1687
Oil on canvas, h 76 x w 63 cm
Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, inv. no. SK-C-1215

A 1687 painting by Michiel van Musscher (1645-1705) shows the diplomat Thomas Hees (1634-1693) surrounded by Dutch and Algerian objects. Hees is surrounded by his nephews Jan and Andries Hees and the black servant Thomas, whose name is known through the inscription on the painting’s verso. Andries is presenting a letter to his uncle, reading “Erentfeste Vrome ende Lieve Getrouwe Th. Hees Resident en Comm. Wegens Haer Ho.Mo. van Regeeringen van Alg. Tunis ende Tripolis. – Algier.”, which identifies the sitter and his occupations. The painting is filled with various objects and a large mirror reflects a courtyard surrounded by columns and balustrades. Above the framed mirror hangs the Dutch lion, flanked by two pieces of coral. To the right of that are muskets, powder flasks and sabres. The table which Thomas Hees leans on is loaded with various objects: an inkpot in the so-called ‘raadsheertje’ model, a letter, a red letter case, an hour glass, a globe and four books. These books include an atlas opened on the map of “Barbaria”, the Bible and the Quran. I will argue through iconographical and contextual analysis that by presenting himself in an Algerian setting and by juxtaposing North-African and Dutch objects and figures, Thomas Hees intended to present himself as an influential man, knowledgeable of both the Algerian and the Dutch culture. It is a true conversation piece in that it requires explanation to be understood in its entirety.

A Recurring Motive: Oriëntal carpets in the paintings of Domenico Ghirlandaio

Details of Domenico Ghirlandaio, Enthroned Madonna with child and saints (1483), Saint Jerome in his study (1480) and Mary with Child (ca. 1490-1500)

The representation of oriental objects in Renaissance paintings is described by for example Spallanzani (2007), Ionescu (2005) and Carrier (2008). Currently, art historian Lauren Arnold works on an important attribution to this topic, partly through a database of paintings with oriental carpets. Domenico Ghirlandaio (1448) is one of the many Italian artists incorporating oriental carpets in his artworks. This was not inventive, since he was preceded by other artists, for example Iacopo di Cione (c. 1325 – na 1390), Cenni di Francesco (1369-1415), Gentile da Fabriano (1370 – ca. 1420) and Fra Angelico (1395-1455). Ghirlandaio’s oeuvre has at least six paintings with oriental carpets. In this paper, I try to find an origin for the motives of these carpets. The motives are analysed and their iconographical and technical functionare discussed. The paintings of Ghirlandaio are compared to other paintings from the Quattrocento, with a focus on painters in his direct surroundings. The painted carpets will be related to trade and availability of oriental carpets in Florence.

Japan and the Orient through the eyes of the Wiener Secession

On 24 May 1897 nineteen artists left the traditional Viennese Künstlerhaus, partly because they did not want to work in a historising style and because they did not want to be influenced by politics. They opposed the Austrian arthistorical tradition, forcing them to find their inspiration elsewhere. As a result of the technological revolution starting around 1870, the world was increasingly globalised, allowing the artists to observe artistic traditions of many cultures. This period marked the rise of Japonism and orientalism flourished, most notably in France but also in Germany and Austria. Despite the absence of Austrian colonies, multiple exhibitions with objects from East-Asia and the Near East were hosted in fin de siècle Vienna. The World Expo was hosted in Vienna in 1873, including Ottoman, Japanese and Persian objects. The Ausstellung Orientalische Teppische was organised in the Österreiches Handels-Museum in 1891. And in 1910 München hosted the exhibition ‘Meisterwerke Muhammedanische Kunst’, to which Austria provided intellectual and physical attributions. According to curators of oriental exhibitions in Vienna and (contemporary) art critics, around 1900 artists and artisans took inspiration from oriental artisanry in the various temporary and permanent exhibitions and collections as inspiration for their own works. Some members of the Vienna Secession indeed owned and observed non-western objects, while some even traveled to Japan.

In this essay, I discuss to what extend the presence of objects from Asia has impacted the artworks from the members of the Vienna Secession.

The Polyglot Bible

During the first Jesuit mission to the Mughal Court (1580-1583), the Jesuits presented among other gifts seven[1] volumes of Plantin’s Royal Polyglot Bible to Mughal Emperor Akbar (r. 1556-1605). In this essay, I focus on the gift of the Plantin Polyglot because this gift is discussed most thoroughly in the letters of the Jesuits to Goa, as translated by John Correia-Afonso.[2] The Plantin Polyglot is a sixteenth-century illustrated bible with translations in five languages: Hebrew, Latin, Greek, Aramaic and Syriac. The gift served a religious cause for the Jesuits, a political cause for Akbar and ultimately influenced the Persian artistic tradition. In this essay, I explore the divergent motives behind this gift exchange and I analyse to what extent this specific gift had been fruitful.

I argue the ambiguity of the Jesuits’ presence at the court of Great Mogul Akbar. The Jesuits had religious motivation, for Akbar it was both religious and political and the Jesuits’ presence eventually led to carefully selected cultural appropriation on the side of the Moguls. Despite the religious intentions of the Jesuits, they carried with them a gift that also had political overtones, namely the Plantin Polyglot which referred to the Spanish Kingdom under Philip II. The gift of the Plantin Polyglot was therefore religiously and politically motivated, and it had a cultural outcome. The illustrated bible created a demand for western iconography which inspired western visitors to the Mughal Court to give engravings and other works of art. The illustrations also led to imitation, translation and emulation of western iconography into the Mughal tradition. The appropriation served a primarily political purpose, as it presented the Shahs as divine. Perhaps the Jesuits had not foreseen the ambiguous motives of Shah Akbar when he asked for Jesuit to teach him the laws of Christianity, or they hoped to overcome them, but the early departure in 1583 and the failure to meat the initial goal of the mission show that the ambivalent intentions eventually tended to Akbar’s side. 


[1] The Plantin Polyglot consists of 8 volumes in total. Based on the Jesuits’ letters, the last volume, a lexicon, was probably not brought by the Jesuits. However, there is evidence that also the eight volume was present at Akbar’s court. John Correia-Afonso, Letters from the Mughal Court; the First Jesuit Mission to Akbar, 1580-1583 (Published for the Heras Institute of Indian History and Culture by Gujarat Sahitya Prakash, Anand, 1980): 29, note 4.

[2] Being a contemporary source, the letters from the Jesuits should be closely analysed and used with care for their liability is questionable. According to Correia-Afonso, these letters were “accurate and truthful” but they should be handled with care because they probably do not offer complete information. For his thorough examination of the value of the Jesuit letters from India, see John Correia-Afonso and Valerian Cardinal Gracias, Jesuit Letters and Indian History 1542-1773, 2nd ed, Studies in Indian History and Culture of the Heras Institute 20 (Bombay [etc.]: Oxford university press, 1969); Edward MacLagan, The Jesuits and the Great Mogul (London: Burns, Oates & Washbourne, 1932): 17-18. The inclusion of the events as written in the Akbarnama, written by Abū al-Faḍl (1551-1602), would compensate for this one-sidedness. This was however not possible in this essay.